Revolution(s) in Latin America from Bolivia to Chile Essay Example for Free

Revolution(s) in Latin America from Bolivia to Chile Essay This paper will deal briefly with the revolutionary movement in Latin America in the mid 20th Century. It will compare and contrast Bolivia, Cuba, Chile and Argentina and seek to draw lessons for today. Ultimately, Peron proved the most successful model of revolution, and this only because of his strong ability to mobilize disparate elements of the population often left out of more doctrinaire Marxist movements. I. This paper will briefly deal with four related but distinct elements: first, the revolution in Bolivia in 1952, the revolution in Cuba a short time later, and the failed revolution in Chile after the 1970 elections. After this, it will deal with the Peron regime in Argentina. Given all this, this paper will attempt to compare and contrast these movements, looking at US as well as Soviet policy relative to them, and see what modern policymakers can take from these immensely important events. The Bolivian revolution of 1952 was one of the first major earthshaking events in post World War II Latin America. Bolivia was an economic disaster since the war (and before) dependent largely on tin exports and a small amount of coffee for economic survival (Cockcroft, 1997). Like all three revolutions dealt within this section, the big issue was the ownership of land. In countries largely made up of peasants, this was the greatest issue. In all three of these states, the land was owned in large parcels, by a small oligarchy that had connections with the government. This was the key in all three revolutions (Kohl, 1978). One issue that sets Bolivia apart was the fact that the army was rather uninterested in pursuing a battle against the revolutionaries, who, unlike the Chilean case, were far from â€Å"Marxist† in ideological orientation (Kohl, 1978, 239). The revolutionary movement (MNR) was both nationalist and socialist in orientation, seeking an independent and prosperous Bolivia independent of both USSR and USA. The basic platform of the Nationalist Revolutionary Movement was land reform first of all, the nationalization of the tin industry and free elections. The connection with the USA was seen by the MNR as a link between to so-called â€Å"tin barons† and the army through US aid. This was a similar view in Cuba. After a brief period of fighting, roughly the middle of April in 1952, the main urban centers fell to the revolutionary movement with the help of miners and other urban workers (the farmers took little part) who were armed by the MNR (Kohl, 1978). The army had no stomach for a fight, and put up token resistance. It was not long before the founder of the MNR, Victor Paz Estemssono, took power as president, and immediately purged the army and engaged in land reform. Universal suffrage was quickly instituted by the new government, and the tin mines were brought under state control. It is clear in hindsight that military personnel were involved in the initial uprising in early April in 1952, the army saw no threat in the nationalist movement and was loathe to fight it. This was to make the Bolivian revolution different from the revolutions in Cuba and Chile (cf. Gerassi, 1965, esp ch 16). In Cuba, 1953, the economic situation was the same for the peasants, but not for the economy as a whole. Unlike the depressed Bolivian situation, the Cuban economy was booming in 1953, except for the fact that the boom did not affect the middle and lower sectors of the peasantry. The economic boom was based on several things: the endless American demand for sugar, the investment of the Batista government in tourism and gambling (similar to Lebanon at the same time), and the presence of a substantial Jewish and Italian organized crime who ran drugs out of the island (Blasier, 1967). Nevertheless, the peasants were largely illiterate and suffering from hunger and disease, similar to that of Bolivia. Like all the revolutions dealt with here, land imbalance was the key. Here, the sugar plantations were in the hands of domestic and foreign oligarchs, Like Tin in Bolivia or Copper in Chile, in Cuba, the revolutionary movement, modeled after that of the MNR in Bolivia (that is, both nationalist and socialist), sought land reform and free elections. The Batista government had rigged elections for some time to make sure him and his military cronies were placed in power regularly (Cockcroft, 1997). Unlike the Bolivian case, the Cuban army was basically loyal to Batista and fought the revolutionaries for some time. The US government did place some pressure on the Cuban leader to hold free elections, which he largely refused to do, leading the CIA to offer some limited financial support to Castro early on (Blasier, 1967). Ultimately, the revolutionaries forced Batista to flee to the US, and the army took over more fully, leading to a protracted war. Hidden in the mountains and fields of southeastern Cuba, the revolutionaries defeated Batista’s small and poorly coordinated offensive. The US posture was uncertain until substantial aid developed from the USSR, and, after Castro’s victory, nationalization of sugar plantations and other assets deprived Cubans and Americans of their former fortunes (Marfelli, 1998). Unlike the Bolivian case, free elections were never held. Chile paints a similar picture. Like the other two states dealt with here, Chile was also a one resource exporter, in her case, copper. The revolution, which did not succeed, begins at the elections of 1970, where the semi-Marxist Salvador Allende received roughly 36% of the vote in a tightly contested three way race. Hardly a ringing endorsement, the KGB as well as the CIA back differing parties in this contest. Both intelligence agencies saw Chile and its copper as a major strategic asset, and both wanted to see Chile in their sphere of influence. The difference being that the CIA spent money to defeat Allende (in general), the Soviets spent money to elect Allende (specifically), even giving him a private salary while on the campaign trail. Allende will never get more than 40% of the vote, and hence, more radical measures were necessary (Leonov, 2005). Allende’s victory was a blow to US interests, and Richard Nixon set his face against the new government, who quickly permitted a substantial KGB presence in the country and allied himself with Castro. Even more, the Allende government nationalized the copper mines and engaged in some limited land reform, like all the above. Allende’s policies, however, created substantial economic downturns in Chile: while attempting to raise wages, he increased inflation. Price fixing brought shortages of necessary items to Santiago and other important urban areas. Unemployment went up, and copper exports fell. Soon, the army and many citizens were opposed to the government that was seen to be artificially propped up by Soviet subsidies. The fact that the opposition parties were contesting the election did not help matters, and in the two elections before Allende’s death, he received no more than 40% of the vote in tight races. The famous coup that brought General Pinochet to power was the result. (Leonov, 2005). These three revolutionary movements, briefly sketched above, contain many important similarities to one another. In all cases, the governments that preceded the revolutions were basically oligarchic: a small number of wealthy controlling a substantially disproportionate share of wealth. Each of these governments was largely militarized and the military was seen as basically supporting the state (with some hesitation in Bolivia). Each of the governments before the revolutionaries seem rather a-ideological, more or less existing to collect taxes and keep a certain group in power. In each case, the armies were basically autonomous forces, making decisions more or less apart from the states that allegedly controlled them. All three states were basically single-resource dependent which harms the sovereignty of the state. Decisions cannot be made autonomously when the entire state’s economy is based on copper markets (for example) that exist far outside the country. The revolutionary movements also have substantial similarities. Both were ideologically nationalist as well as socialist, both in the broad sense of the terms. They sought a redistribution of land and nationalization of the main source of national income: tin, sugar, copper. All of these movements sought violent measures to take power. Even the Allende government used his â€Å"red guards† to confiscate the goods of the people they considered â€Å"rich,† to harm the black market. But as the Leonov lectures prove, all of these movements, legitimate or not, were hijacked by KGB forces and used to increase Soviet power in the area. Hence, whatever sympathy the US may have had with these movements (such as it had to the early Castro) quickly evaporated once the KGB moved in, putting the US in a bad position, having to appear as the â€Å"defender of the oligarchy† against the â€Å"apostles of equality. † It seems that the Soviets forced the American hand in these matters. There are also several differences within these movements. The posture of the army was important: in Chile and Cuba, the army was loyal, in Bolivia, they seemed to have no stomach for a fight. In all cases, the army was relatively small and poorly equipped. A well financed revolutionary movement could easily be a march for these rather unprofessional military forces. The results of the revolution differed wildly. In Chile, the economy tanked. In Cuba, free elections were never held, and Castro held the country in an iron grip under Soviet subsidies. In Bolivia, the economy improved and land distribution was a fact. This is the greatest lesson of these movements: there is no guarantee of success. There is a guarantee that an old oligarchy is to replace a new one the unfortunate results of revolution. All the revolutionaries, with varying degrees of success, sought to improve the role of women in society and in the economy. To a large extent, the revolutionaries had a substantial share of women among their members. In Chile, the Allende government creates subsidy plans for free milk distribution to poor families, a policy difficult to argue with. However, when his price fixing scheme appeared early into his presidency, these milk distributions dried up, and families were forced to buy on the black market at inflated prices. Here, the female side fo the revolution was a complete failure, and mothers were worse off than before. It seems clear that the price fixing scheme was a failure and might well have been the main reason the revolution failed: shortages occurred and the black market sprang up. Allende’s violent methods of dealing with these alienated many people. It is hard to see any real alterative (in 1973) in Chile for women than to support the coup and the freeing of prices for milk and other necessaries. II. Juan Peron is one of the most celebrated Latin American personalities. He contained within himself the true ethical content of the Latin American revolutionaries without being a revolutionary. Nonviolent and patriotic, he offered Argentina everything it needed politically. The Perons were part of Argentinian politics through the World War II era, and Juan’s position in the military government (as vice president under General Eldomiro Farrell) permitted him a platform to argue in favor of unionization and nationalism, in speeches and policies that made him wildly popular. Combining nationalism, patriotism and socialism, this set of ingredients was all that was necessary to bring a coalition of left and right into being over questions of economic nationalism and equality. The fact that he married a woman of lowborn status, Eva, the real power behind Juan (Van Dine, 1998) who used her popularity to engage in serious welfare programs and mobilization of the â€Å"shirtless ones† to her and her husband’s side created a duo that has not been seen since. Peron was a man of his word. In his first term as president (until 1952) he engaged in a flurry of domestic policies that went beyond the socialist rhetoric of the revolutions described above. In the seminal work on Latin American revolutions by Gerassi (1965, esp. ch 3), he provides a provision list of the major areas of concern and policy for the Peron duo. Peron’s list of accomplishments is stunning: social security was made mandatory for each citizen. He was behind the creation of trade unions in every major Argentinian industry. He made certain that elections were free and that universal suffrage was the norm. Insofar as the treatment of women were concerned, he insisted on paid maternity leave, free medical care (especially prenatal care) and paid time off for all new mothers. He built recreation centers for all major industries, and made sure that paid vacations were the norm for all workers in Argentina. And this was only the beginning (cf. Gerassi for more details). Just as important, he sought the development of Argentina’s economic diversification. This is a substantial difference between Peron and the other movements dealt with above. The other movements did not have a substantial plan for diversification and were basically content to be one crop country. Argentina was not like this, there were too many resources to be mobilized, and such diversification became a major project of the Argentinian first couple in the 1950s. Peron was an amateur philosopher of sorts, and saw political ideology as more of a barrier than an impetus to economic performance and equality. His basic philosophical position was called Justicalisimo, or the â€Å"third way† between socialism and capitalism that attempted to combine the positive contributions of both. This approach will be imitated by Nasser in Egypt and the Bolivian MNR. But it is precisely this approach to political things that makes sense out of his popularity: there was no prepackaged ideology to oppose. His was a mixture of the best of the left with the best of capitalism. Both of these were blended with an appeal to nationalism, patriotism and Argentinian sovereignty that was immensely popular. He was able, through his own personality as well as that of his wife, to mobilize both left and right over questions of economic nationalism and equality. Most certainly, his policies were not typical for Latin America or anywhere else. There are few people who can claim his mantle. This paper mentioned Nasser of Egypt, and is likely the only one who can claim this. Peron did not seek a violent revolution. He sought a revolution based in patriotism and national consent, a nation rebuilt around the â€Å"first couple,† who were iconic in their times and ours. This is a rare chemistry that cannot be imitated by professional guerillas or politicians of the typical stripe. The fact that he put his promises immediately into action and fought the wealthy of society made him more and more popular, and this popularity, ths ability to mobilize the population, is what made the oligarchy fear him, yet there was little they could do. The Eva Peron Foundation, a huge semi-official charitable trust, built thousands of schools and hospitals around the country. The government of Argentina was truly a family affair, mirroring the actual Argentinian family itself, it was iconic almost literally, in that they were ruled not by a junta, or a general, or a rich man, but a family. In this writer’s opinion, Peron’s popularity was based on what he physically accomplished. But more than this, it was the mixture of patriotism and economic nationalism and equality. Since cliche Marxism is anti-patriotic and internationalist as well as anti-Christian, they naturally alienate many of these types of people. Peron did not do this, since he was nationalist and did not repress the church as did Castro. Hence, he was able to mobilize these people as well, adding to his popularity in a way that a Castro or Allende could not. There is so much material on this Argentinean leader that this brief description cannot do it justice. III. This paper has sought to deal with the question of Latin American Revolution in brief. It is clear by this time that this writer is partial to Peron, and sees his model as superior to the others dealt with above, and offers quite a bit of material for the future of Latin America. The revolutions of Cuba, Bolivia and Chile were, when all is said and done, failures. While correctly addressing many important issues, these revolutionaries simply became another oligarchy, or fell apart altogether (such as Allende). These states are still poor and underdeveloped, and only Chile has been able to control infant mortality with any success. The problems in all these countries were the same: one crop dependency, oligarchy, land hunger and poor infrastructure. Only Peron performed substantial moves to remedy this situation, but his later overthrow proved these abortive. Argentina was back where it had started. Cuba today is an economic disaster and a dictatorship, while Bolivia is no better off than in 1952. Nationalism, patriotism, autarky and economic equality are the wave of the future, while internationalist socialism(as well as border-less capitalism) is a relic of the past. Bibliography Kohl, James. (1978) â€Å"Peasant and Revolution in Bolivia, April 9, 1952-August 2, 1953. † The American Historical Review. 58: 238-259 Blasier, Cole (1967). â€Å"Studies of Social revolution: Origins in Mexico, Bolivia and Cuba. † Latin American Research Review. 2: 28-64 Perez, Marfelli. (1998) The Cuban Revolution. Oxford University Press. Leonov, Aledander (2005) â€Å"Soviet Intelligence in Latin America During the Cold War. † Lectures. The Center for Academic Publications. (http://www. cepchile. cl/dms/lang_2/doc_1140. html) Van Dine, Robert. (1998) â€Å"Evita Peron: Saint or Coutesan. † Vandine Publishing. (http://www. vandine. com/peron. htm; Van Dine is a career DC diplomat) Gerassi, John. (1965) The Great Fear in Latin America. Macmillan, 1965. (This work acted as background material for all the information above) Cockcroft, James D. (1997) Latin America: History, Politics, and U. S. Policy. Nelson Hall Publishers.

Origins of the Accumulation of Armaments

Origins of the Accumulation of Armaments Running Head: Contemporary and Historic Origins of the Accumulation of Armaments CONTEMPORARY AND HISTORICAL ORIGINS OF WHY STATES NEEDS TO ACQUIRE AND ACCCUMULATE THE MEANS OF DESTROYING OTHERS AND WHY SO MUCH CONCERN FOR ARMS CONTROL ROXY AGANIMO PEGGY The issue of arms acquisition has been widely debated among states as well as other interest groups, hence the question, why would anyone need arms? Arms as stated by the United Nations are any forms of military weaponry ranging from tanks, armored vehicles, submarines, aircraft carriers, surface to air missiles, surface to surface missiles, to any form of battleship or gun boat, landmines or sub charges, heavy machine guns or even self-propelled guns[1]. Some may argue that we need arms for one or some of the following reasons: A. For protection- We may need guns and other weapons to help protect our family and other valuable possessions that are stored in our homes. B. For defense- In case of a robbery we may need a gun to defend ourselves and family[2] C. For recreation- Like going hunting or target shooting. How would you feel if you are not allowed to own/do these? But those are on a relatively small scale, why would states (Countries) desire to accumulate the means to destroy o thers? Could it be for fear, recreation, defense or protection? This paper would try to expatiate on the reasons behind arms control, disarmament and most especially how it all started i.e. despite the effective use of armaments, the need for the regulation and usage cannot be far-fetched, hence is acquisition should be curtailed. Politics is the activity in which ‘conflicting’ interest struggles for advantage or dominance, or as other political scientists postulate, the study of influence and influential [the influential being those who get the most of what there is to get][3], one should not be surprised that states struggle to ‘get what there is to get’, whether they be piece of land, or an island or (toys) weapons. Conflicts happens very often, they are basically forms of disagreement, which can be subdivided into 2 groups, a. Conflict of interests such as territorial, economic and governmental issues which undoubtedly are tangible. The theory of Lateral pressure explains why most conflict arises; it states that economic growth of states leads to geographic expansion as they seek natural resources beyond their borders which in turn leads to conflicts and sometimes war[4]. Next is b. Conflict of ideas such as ethical, ideological and religious ideas which are considered intangible elements. Both conflicts however, overlaps in their occurrence. In accordance with the Hobbesian theory of all against all, the international system is structurally a self-help environment i.e. anarchic (a state where there is no global authority to enforce rules) where every state must strive to ensure its own security and survival[5]. This philosophy reflects the Realist view of things- that mankind is not inherently benevolent but rather hostile, self-centered and competitive; states are therefore inherently aggressive (offensive realism- the need to get more power) and/or obsessed with security (defensive realism- the urge to build more weapons in defense from war), and that expansion and amassing of resources is only constrained by opposing powers which in modern time are referred to as the ‘Great powers’. Thus, relations between states are determined by their comparative level of power derived primarily from their military capabilities i.e. military force is relie d upon when implementing the states foreign policies[6]. If one Great Power emerges as dominant, Realist theory predicts that other major and Great Powers will tend to form a coalition or an alliance so as to prevent that power or state from conquering the entire region[7]. Thus the inherent structure of the anarchic system necessitates that states play a game of power politics in which alliances are formed and reformed to maintain this balance. Realists’ philosophy views security as a zero-sum game(a situation where no one benefits/wins), in which only relative gains are possible, major and Great Powers always suspect each other’s intentions, and are endlessly engaged in mortal competition for power[8]. It also sees the need to retain power as a necessity, Morgenthau cited the example of Great Britain’s foreign policy in 1939-1940 against Finland, he stated that the foundation of the policy was not based on any legalistic-moralistic approach but on massive military aid in defense of the soviet aggression that might ha ve backfired on Britain alone[9] Over the years, territorial disputes has been a big issue, places/territories such as Bakassi -disputed by Nigeria and Cameroon, Chagos Archipelago- disputed by the United Kingdom and Mauritius, Ceuta- disputed by Spain and Morocco, the spratly islands- claimed by China, Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, the Philippines and Taiwan, Kashmir and Jammu region- claimed by the People’s republic of China, India and Pakistan, and a host of many others. Man as quoted from ==== has restless desire for power, so international politics is marked by constant power play which makes cooperation much more difficult[10]. Wars as seen from the Marxist approach are as a result of clashes between capitalist whose interests are to create colonies[11] which are all as a result of economic exploitation and political subjugation of weaker states. There has been behavioral revolution in social science throughout ages, hence the birth of system analysis/theory. Morton Kaplan, a major contributor to the system made mention of international and nation state system which he felt had coherence, regularity hence important in international relations. He also made note of the fact that change was possible, notwithstanding the role of states that is constantly being determined by the international system; dividing the international system into 6 models- the first known as the â€Å"Balance of power† (BOP) system which happened between 1815- 1914[12]. He noted that the system began to falter as major actors were seen in the international system, hence the breakout of the First World War. The treaty of Versailles was the peace settlement signed afterWorld War Onehad ended in 1918 in the shadow of theRussian Revolutionand other events inRussia. The treaty, which was a prequel to Wilson’s fourteen points of peace to the US co ngress in January 1918[13] was signed on June 28th 1919 at the vast Versailles Palace near Paris hence its title between Germany and the Allies. The three most important politicians there were DavidLloyd Georgeof Britain, Clemenceauof France andWoodrowWilsonof America who after months of argument and negotiations, finally decided what the treaty should contain[14]. It was also referred to as ‘Diktat’- as it was being forced on the Germans who had no choice but to sign it. Although many people in Germany did not want the Treaty signed, the representatives there knew that they had no choice as German was incapable of restarting the war again[15]. Consequently, we can say Germany was disarmed the act of reducing, limiting, or abolishing weapons, but in modern day, disarmament is often taken to mean total elimination of weapons of mass destruction, such asnuclear arms. General and Complete Disarmament refers to the removal of all weaponry, including conventional arms. Initially, only the United States possessed atomic weapons, but in 1949 the Soviet Union exploded an atomic bomb and the arms race began –arms race. Both countries continued building more and bigger bombs. In 1952, the United States tested a new and more powerful weapon: the hydrogen bomb. The Soviet Union followed with its own version in 1953.Einstein watched with growing dismay as the two superpowers seemed to move closer and closer to nuclear war. Convinced that the only way to prevent the annihilation of humankind was to prevent all future wars, Einstein spoke out more fervently than ever in favor of international cooperation and disarmament[16]. The first red scare, which happened in America between the years 1919-1920, left the Americas cherished civil liberties threatened as communism claimed to subvert the American society[17]. To strident American anticommunists, the post- World War II Soviet danger lay not only in military aggression, but even more in the limitless prospect of Moscows ideological expansion aimed at world domination. To them the U.S.S.R.s self-assigned leadership of world Communism possessed the power and will to incite and support Communist-led revolutions everywhere, imposing on them its influence, if not its direct control. This presumption assigned to the Soviet Union the unprecedented power to extend its presence over vast distances without military force[18]. US, however carried out the ‘Marshall plan’ which was a financial aid to rebuild Europe’s economy as the fear that Soviet Union would invade Western Europe via provision of aid[19]. An arms race denotes a rapid, competitive increase in the quantity or quality of instruments of military or naval power by rival states in peacetime. What it connotes is a game with a logic of its own. Typically, in popular depictions of arms races, the political calculations that start and regulate the pace of the game remain obscure. As Charles H. Fairbanks, Jr., has noted, â€Å"The strange result is that the activity of theotherside, and not one’s own resources, plans, and motives, becomes the determinant of one’s behavior.† And what constitutes the â€Å"finish line† of the game is the province of assertion, rather than analysis[20]. Many onlookers, and some participants, have claimed that the likelihood of war increases as the accumulation of arms proceeds apace. There is no doubt that the United States and its European allies are primarily concerned with weaponization, they might accept a scenario in which Iran stops short of a nuclear weapon. Israe l, however, has made it clear that it views a significant Iranian enrichment capacity alone as an unacceptable threat. It is possible, then, that a verifiable commitment from Iran to stop short of a weapon could appease major Western powers but leave the Israelis unsatisfied. Israel would be less intimidated by a virtual nuclear weapon than it would be by an actual one and therefore would likely continue its risky efforts at subverting Irans nuclear program through sabotage and assassination which could lead Iran to conclude that a breakout capability is an insufficient deterrent, after all, and that only weaponization can provide it with the security it seeks[21]. Looking at the early forms of arms race, we see that states such as Israel is willing to use force (nuclear arms) to secure its nuclear monopoly in the region against Iraq as at 1981. It did the same to Syria in 2007 and is now considering similar action against Iran. But the very acts that have allowed Israel to maintain its nuclear edge in the short term have prolonged an imbalance that is unsustainable in the long term. Israels proven ability to strike potential nuclear rivals with impunity has inevitably made its enemies anxious to develop the means to prevent Israel from doing so again. Deterrence is the term for such action, In this way, the current tensions are best viewed not as the early stages of a relatively recent Iranian nuclear crisis but rather as the final stages of a decades-long Middle East nuclear crisis that will end only when a balance of military power is restored[22]. We may ask, why is there so much concern for arms control? First, on the 6th of august 1945,US President Harry Truman, during World War II (1939-45),gave others after the testing of bomb made with key materials for nuclear fission–uranium-235 and plutonium (Pu-239)in Mexico; an American B-29 bomber dropped the world’s first deployed atomic bomb over the Japanese city of Hiroshima. The explosion wiped out 90 percent of the city and immediately killed 80,000 people; tens of thousands more would later die of radiation exposure. Three days later, a second B-29 dropped another Atomic-bomb on Nagasaki, killing an estimated 40,000 people. Japan’s Emperor Hirohito announced his country’s unconditional surrender in World War II in a radio address on August 15, citing the devastating power of â€Å"a new and most cruel bomb†[23].In 1961 East Germany built the Berlin Wall separating East from West Berlin. It symbolized the division of Europe by what Winston Ch urchill had called the iron curtain[24]. Despite the hostility of East-West relations during the Cold War, a relatively stable framework of relations emerged, and conflicts never escalated to all-out war. In 1989, the wall fell symbolizing the end of the cold war, while 2007 marked the start of global economic crisis[25]. In contemporary times, we take a closer look at Iran- if it obtains a/the bomb, other states in that region will follow suit, leading to a nuclear arms race in the Middle East. But the nuclear age is now almost 70 years old, and so far, fears of proliferation have proved to be unfounded. Properly defined, the term proliferation means a rapid and uncontrolled spread. Nothing like that has occurred; in fact, since 1970 as report states, there has been a marked slowdown in the emergence of nuclear states[26]. Consequently, millions if not billions of dollars were spent on the procurements of their strategic arsenals and nuclear weapons; these monies could have been spent on something more productive instead of the arms race[27]. In summary, Nuclear weapons, ‘Robert McNamara wrote in the September 1983 issue of Foreign Affairs, ‘serve no military purpose whatsoever. They are totally useless except to deter ones opponents from using them. The stark reality of mutual assured destruction, grounded on recognition of nuclear parity, led to an informal nuclear weapon taboo[28] they claim that nuclear weapons are deterrents that prevent the world from breaking out in total war. Researchers are supporting this argument by declaring how nuclear weapons have been keeping peace. However, other researchers and scientists deny the effectiveness of nuclear weapons as deterrents and declare that nuclear weapons will lead the world into total devastation[29]. National Treaty Means (NTM) of verification are individual methods used by individual parties to monitor treaty compliance[30] also the Strategic arms reduction talks (START) as well as some embargos such as Intermediate nuclear forces (INF) agreement, plus negotiations as well as limits on strategic nuclear delivery vehicles (SNDV) and compliance with antiballistic missiles (ABM) as well as non-proliferation treaty has been effective in curtailing the spread of armaments. Bibliography BBC on this day- 1945: US drops atomic bomb on Hiroshima. (2005, August). Retrieved March 2014, from BBC News: http://news.bbc.co.uk/onthisday/hi/dates/stories/august/6/newsid_3602000/3602189.stm Bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. (2009). (A+E Networks) Retrieved from History.com: http://www.history.com/topics/world-war-ii/bombing-of-hiroshima-and-nagasaki Eimer, M. . (1987, January 23). Verification and arms control. Science New Series, 235(4787), 406-414. Retrieved March 19, 2014, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1698322 Ghosh, P. (2009). International Relations. PHI Learning Pvt. Ltd. Retrieved March 2014 Joshua, G. S., Jon, P. C., Witworth, S. (2008). Internatonal conflict. In J. S. Goldstein, J. C. Pevehouse, S. Witworth, G. Bennett (Ed.), International relations (2nd ed., pp. 158-250). Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Pearson education Canada. Retrieved March 2014 Nuclear arms race- The cold war. (2008). Retrieved March 2014, from American museum of natural history: http://www.amnh.org/exhibitions/past-exhibitions/einstein/peace-and-war/nuclear-arms-race Schiffrin, A. (1997, March April). The Cold War and the University: Towards an Intellectual History. Foreign affairs, 76(2), 147-151. Retrieved March 19, 2014, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/20047943 Siracusa, J. M. (2009, December). Reflections on the cold war. Australasian Journal of American Studies, 28(2), 1-16. Retrieved March 2014, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/41054143 . Smith, S., Baylis, P. O. (2011). Introduction. In J. Baylis, S. S. Owens, The Globalization of the World politics- An Introduction to international relations (5th ed., pp. 4-200). New york: Oxford University press. Retrieved March 2014 Trading arms to terrorist organization. (2012). Retrieved March 2014, from Lawteacher.net: http://www.lawteacher.net/international-law/essays/trading-arms-to-terrorist-organizations-international-law-essay.php Uclari. (2008). International relations theory. Retrieved march 2014, from Rooster teeth: http://roosterteeth.com/forum/viewTopic.php?id=2205392 Waltz, K. N. (2012). Why Iran should get the bomb- Nuclear balancing would mean stabilty. Retrieved March 2014, from Foreign affairs: www.foreignaffairs.com Woodrow wilsons fourteen points. (2013). Retrieved March 2014, from History learning site: www.historylearningsite.co.uk 1 [1]Retrieved from http://www.lawteacher.net/international-law/essays/trading-arms-to-terrorist-organizations-international-law-essay.php [2] http://hotessays.blogspot.ca/2010/12/essay-on-right-to-bear-arms.html [3] Heard, A. (2011). Political Culture and Socialization: The Media and Other Mind Sharpers. In R. Dyck, Studying Politics: An Introduction to Political Science (pp. 6). Toronto: Nelson Education [4] Joshua, G. S., Jon, P. C., Witworth, S. (2008). International conflict. In J. S. Goldstein, J. C. Pevehouse S. Witworth, International relations (2nd ed., pp. 174). Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Pearson education Canada. Retrieved March 2014 [5] Uclari. (2008). International relations theory. Retrieved march 2014, from Rooster teeth: http://roosterteeth.com/forum/viewTopic.php?id=2205392 [6] Smith, S., Baylis, P. O. (2011). Introduction. In J. Baylis, S. S. Owens, The Globalization of the World politics- An Introduction to international relations (5th ed., pp. 4). New York: Oxford University press. Retrieved March 2014 [7] Joshua, G. S., Jon, P. C., Witworth, S. (2008). Introduction- The Cold war, 1945-1990. In J. S. Goldstein, J. C. Pevehouse, S. Witworth, G. Bennett (Ed.), International relations (2nd ed., pp. 158-250). Toronto, Ontario, Canada: Pearson education Canada. Retrieved March 2014 [8] Smith, S., Baylis, P. O. (2011). Introduction. In J. Baylis, S. S. Owens, The Globalization of the World politics- An Introduction to international relations (5th ed., pp. 4-200). New York: Oxford University press. Retrieved March 2014 [9] Ghosh, P. (2009). International Relations. ( pp.27). PHI Learning Pvt. Ltd. Retrieved March 2014 [10] Smith, S., Baylis, P. O. (2011). Introduction. In J. Baylis, S. S. Owens, The Globalization of the World politics- An Introduction to international relations (5th ed., pp. 4-200). New York: Oxford University press. Retrieved March 2014 [11] Ghosh, P. (2009). International Relations. (pp. 35). PHI Learning Pvt. Ltd. Retrieved March 2014 [12] Ghosh, P. (2009). International Relations. (pp. 35). PHI Learning Pvt. Ltd. Retrieved March 2014 [13]Retrieved from http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/woodrow_wilson1.htm [14] http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/woodrow_wilson1.htm [15] Retrieved from History.com: http://www.history.com/topics/world-war-ii/bombing-of-hiroshima-and-nagasak [16] Retrieved from http://www.amnh.org/exhibitions/past-exhibitions/einstein/peace-and-war/nuclear-arms-race [17] Siracusa, J. M. (2009, December). Reflections on the cold war. Australasian Journal of American Studies, 28(2), 2. Retrieved March 2014, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/41054143 [18] Siracusa, J. M. (2009, December). Reflections on the cold war. Australasian Journal of American Studies, 28(2), 2. 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Owens, The Globalization of the World politics- An Introduction to international relations (5th ed., pp. 38). New York: Oxford University press. Retrieved March 2014 [25] Smith, S., Baylis, P. O. (2011).International . In J. Baylis, S. S. Owens, The Globalization of the World politics- An Introduction to international relations (5th ed., pp. 63). New York: Oxford University press. Retrieved March 2014 [26] Waltz, K. N. (2012, August). Why Iran should get the bomb- Nuclear balancing would mean stability. Retrieved March 2014, from Foreign affairs: www.foreignaffairs.com [27] Waltz, 2 [28] Siracusa, J. M. (2009, December). Reflections on the cold war. Australasian Journal of American Studies, Vol. 28 (2), pp8. Retrieved March 2014, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/41054143 [29]Retrieved from http://www.teenink.com/opinion/current_events_politics/article/466412/The-World-Does-Not-Need-Nuclear-Weapons/ [30] Eimer, M. . (1987, January 23). Verification and arms control. Science New Series, vol.235 No. 4787, pp 406. Retrieved March 19, 2014, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/1698322

Queen Myongson Essays -- Korea Korean Leaders Essays

Queen Myongson (Queen Min) Queen Myongsong was born in 1851 in Yohung Min Chan. After the death of her father, the queen would not be able to build her own political power base in the patriarchal Korean society. At that time, the real power was in the hands of Hungsun Taewongun. Taewongun arranged his son to take Queen Min, whom lacked power and thus would not pose a threat to himself or Kojong. In 1866, at the age 14, Queen Min became wife to Kojong whom assumed power in 1864 at the age of 12. (2) At the time of her marriage, King Kojong's father, Taewongun, ran the country in his son's name. When King Kojong came to power in 1864, his father became the Regent. But the old man stayed on even after King Kojong became old enough to take over. To add insult to injury, Taewongun attempted to designate an illegitimate son of King Kojong the heir to the throne. In 1873, the Queen’s intelligence and cunningness enabled to convince her young husband to declare himself king in fact as well as in name. After throwing out Tawongun, Min placed her relatives in key positions of power and began to dismantle Taewongun's 'hermit' isolationist policy and opened up the country to foreign trades and friendly relations. Encouraged by his wife, King Kojong signed the Kanghwa Treaty with Japan and instituted a series of modernization and reform programs. (6) This created a bloody conflict between Queen Min and her father-in- law. In addition Queen Min had a difficult time giving birth t o a son, who was necessary to continue the royal line. In Korea, a woman could not inherit the throne in her own right. Therefore, having a son was crucial to the success of any queen. Growing impatient with the ... ...Network at Lost Angeles – Queen Min (http://www.gkn-la.net/history_resources/queen_min.htm) 2. QUEEN MIN--GRADE LEVEL: 10-12 AUTHOR: David M. Hanna SUBJECT: Global History, East Asian Civilization (http://www.koreasociety.org/MAIN/KS_LessonPlans/ Lessons/klp_xxix.pdf) 3. Bird, Isabella. Korea and Her Neighbors. London: KPI Limited, 1985 (first published in 1897). (http://kn.koreaherald.co.kr/SITE/data/html_dir/2001/02/10/200102100030.asp) 4. Tourism – Sightseeing (http://english.kg21.net/tour/sightseeingSite.jsseq=19&page=1&caller=category&query=h) 5. [New Horizon] Assassination of Empress Myongsong by Kim Byong-kuk (http://times.hankooki.com/lpage/opinion/200211/kt2002112117172711350.htm) 6. A Brief History of the US-Korea Relations Prior to 1945 by Kim Young-Sik, Ph.D. (http://www.kimsoft.com/2003/us-kr-relation.htm)

Educational Goals and Philosophy :: Education Teaching Careers Essays

Educational Goals and Philosophy In this day in age, opposing views and philosophies are emerging in the public school systems quicker that we can really develop a thorough understand and sound, sturdy opinion of them. As an educator, I believe it is important to be supportive and open-minded for the students. My concern is not only for the students’ education, but also their personal well being and emotions. Every student is raised differently, with beliefs and morals that may oppose the beliefs of their fellow students and teachers, as well as other members of their community. These students should not feel segregated or suffer from the harsh words and acts of others that may disagree with their views. My job is to secure the feelings of each student and to help them realize that this is one of life’s lessons and that they should face the world with an open mind and warm heart. These ideas represent my own personal beliefs. After reviewing the several different philosophies discussed in my education class, I have come to realize that I do not believe in one particular philosophy. I agree with several aspects of each of the different philosophies that are prominent in our nation’s schools. My classroom is going to be a positive learning environment and a comfortable, welcoming setting for all of my students. To be a great teacher, I need to be able to understand where my students are coming from when they express their concerns or show signs of confusion, pain, or any other behaviors that do not correspond with their personality. I want to know my students on an individual basis where I can have a loving, caring, understanding and open relationship with them and still gain their respect for me as an educator. The teachers that remain in my memory the most where the ones that thoroughly taught their lessons and strived to help each individual student understand the material and work to their fullest potential. These teachers were also the ones who expressed the most care and love for their students. They worked to develop a strong bond with each individual student so that they may feel secure and comfortable in their classroom, knowing that if they ever needed any help or support, their teacher was always the one they could turn to for guidance.

Illegal Use of Performance Enhancing Drugs in the Olympics Essay

Illegal Use of Performance Enhancing Drugs in the Olympics Since the original Olympic Games in ancient Greece, athletes have struggled to find a way to gain the competitive edge. Early rituals included consuming wine and brandy before an event, eating potent mushrooms, and even concocting magic potions thought to give the athlete improved performance ability (Phillips, 2000, p.53). A constant battle has been fought as the International Olympic Committee struggles to keep drug testing up-to-date and effective. We have come to associate drug use with a few famous names of fallen heroes, such as Ben Johnson and the most recent, C.J. Hunter, but few people realize just how widespread drug use is in Olympic sports and how small a percentage of offenders ever get caught. This presents the International Olympic Committee with one of its greatest challenges: trying to keep its drug testing procedures at a par with the technology of today’s pharmacists. Should the International Olympic Committee just face the facts and realize that athletes wi ll continue to try and use performance-enhancing drugs, and hence turn their backs and act as though nothing is happening? I feel as though they should become more stern toward athletes that are caught, and let the world know that they are going to do whatever they can to catch those who use these drugs. Certain sports quickly come to mind when we think of performance-enhancing drug use. We think of bodybuilders and weightlifters when drug use is mentioned. But not many would list track and field as a sport in which performance enhancing drug use is prominent. "What seems clear, however, is that the use of performance enhancing drugs is a problem mainly for the athletes of track, field and swi... ...ive. Sources Alesia, M. (2000). Performance enhancing? In some events, even drugs can’t trump skill. CBS Sportsline. Retrieved March 15, 2001 http://www.sportsline.com/u/ce/multi/0,1329,2773853_15,00.html Begley, S., & Gordon, D. (2000). Under the shadow of drugs.Newsweek, 136(15), 56. Kowalski, K.M. (1999). Steer clear of steroid abuse. Current Health 2, 25(7), 13-16. Looney, D.S. (2000). No easy answers ahead on Olympics doping. Christian Science Monitor, 92(221), 12. Mishra, R. (1995). Steroids and sports are a losing combination. US Food and Drug Administration. Retrieved March 14, 2001 http://www.fda.gov/bbs/topics/CONSUMER/CON00107.html Phillips, A. (2000). The Olympic drug cloud. Maclean’s, 113(41), 52-54. Superhuman heroes. (1998). Economist, 347(8071), 10-13. Toward dope-free games. (2000). Christian Science Monitor, 92(202), 8. Â   Â  

Parents in child’s life Essay

Parents are an integral part of any child’s life. They are his safe haven, his stepping stones and his personal cheerleaders. They are the people who create a person in the first place hence he/she owes their existence to them (Laura, 11). They give a child his name, his characteristics and his personality. They also give him both his negative and positive traits. So, in my opinion it is a foregone conclusion that parents’ identities do affect their children and in a key way. Some children may be affected more than the others but that everyone is affected by his mother and father’s identity to some extent (however small) is indisputable. I will try to explain in my essay how the children are affected and also why they are influenced the way they are. The first important way in which a parent’s identity determines their kid’s identity is their lineage. Kids in almost every part of the world are recognized by their parents’ pedigree or roots. Even we as teenagers automatically classify our friends as African-Americans, Caucasian, Asian, Jewish and Muslim etc. Whether we like it not, whether it is identity and religious stereotyping or not, the fact remains that we are recognized by both our parent’s history and their religion. In the contemporary world, with all the talk of eradicating borders and walls between people, the fact remains that we still recognize people this way. Why, some may ask. Though no definite answer, it maybe because of the prejudices this world builds into us as kids where the color of a man’s skin or the God he believes in is more important than the quality of his heart. A child’s character is also affected by their parent’s identity (Dr. Haim, 201). We see the proof all around us. If a child’s parents lie, chances are that the child will learn to do so too. If they stress on the importance of honesty, the child may grow up to possess an honest nature. This is because even before a child comes into contact with his friends, his parents remain the sole and most complete influence in his life at least until he is five or six. It is the parents who define the ‘innate’ characteristics of a child. Other than identity and character, a child’s education and career is also affected by his parent’s identities. Most of the times, it has been seen that kids are only serious about their studies when they are pressurized to do well at home and enthusiastic interest is taken in their child’s studies by both parents. This point that I am enumerating now may seem to apply more to the Eastern world then the Western one where independence and choice are quite important. But in many Asian countries, kids are often encouraged to take after their father or pursue careers that most of their relatives make a living off. Example a doctor may want his son to take after him and an engineer may want his kids to take an interest in physics and math. So, in a way, even a kid’s livelihood is affected by their parent’s professions. The reason to this may be because people often feel safer when their kids are following their line of profession as they believe their kids will receive the necessary support from them. In short, it is fear of the unknown on the part of the parents. Another important area where parent’s identities influence their children is in the child’s perception of himself/herself. An apt example over here can be of India where the caste system is still staunchly followed (Thomas, 109). The lower castes (or Untouchables as they are called) are often ostracized and treated like animals. Many higher caste Hindus consider themselves polluted even if a whiff of their scent touches them. These so-called-Untouchables accept this inhumane treatment without question. Psychologists believe it is because of their low self-image. Therefore, even their kids suffer from low self-esteem. This is a classic case of parents’ perception influencing their child’s opinion of himself. Of course, like every rule in the world, there are exceptions. There may be many instances when a child is not influenced by his parent’s identities and rises above it. An example is of Indian pop icon, Abhijeet Sawant, born into India’s lowest caste, but successful in becoming one of the country’s most famous pop stars. In our country itself, there are numerous examples. The creator of Peanuts, Charles Schultz was born in a very poor family. He did not let his parent’s identity as slum dog poor affect him. Another example is of veteran model Janice Richardson. She was born to an alcoholic mother (which says a lot about low self-perception) but grew up to be a cult icon in the world of modeling. Another very important exception is the orphans or kids from broken homes. I take nothing away from them when I say that some of them never even know their parents so there is no point of their getting influenced by them. They choose life and career paths and have characters that may be completely different form the people who gave birth to them. To conclude, there are always such exceptions but they are far and few in between. Most of the times, a person’s parent’s identity does tend to influence their kids minds in a large way. The reason for this may be that most of us look up to our parents and want to enumerate them. But having said this, seeing the current world phenomenon, parent’s hold on their kids may be more absolute in the Eastern world than the Western. Works Cited A Book Dr. Haim G Ginott. Between Parent and Child. Crown. (Jul 22, 2003). Thomas, G. Parent Effectiveness Training. Three Rivers Press. (Oct 31, 2000) Laura Davis. Becoming the Parent You Want To Be. Broadway. (Feb 3, 1997)

Jose Rizal: the Portal of Hope from the Past

Considered as the national hero of our country, Dr. Jose Rizal played a significant role in our history. He was known as one of the most prominent writers of his time. Among his famous works were the novels Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo. These notable stories gave way for his nationalistic thoughts which became the wick of the long revolts in the past. He believed on the power of pen in contrast to Bonifacio’s view. His death made us face a reality that undeniably tells us the deplorable image of our nation. But do you think he succeeded in opening the eyes of each Filipino? Of course, he did. His works, legendary writings and exemplary lifestyle formed who he was and became to be. Most people live similarly in that they progress through stages of life that ultimately make them who they are. Rizal inspired all the Filipinos to fight for their own freedom. But sadly, most of what he contributed was just left behind and taken for granted. Everyone searches for different pleasures in life, whether it is money, power, fame, knowledge, peace, understanding of self, or just the thrill of adventure whatever it takes. Somehow, we are already forgetting the roots of our valued land. For instance, the crimes are becoming widespread. Due to our fears, we neglect the importance of seeking for truth and justice. We let others decide for ourselves. We do not have anymore the will to struggle for righteousness. As long as we live, we opt to stay away from scenarios involving critical thinking and vital decision-making. So did Rizal’s existence made sense? Appreciation is where we all need to start. Now that we’re aware of how essential his works are, we must open our eyes and make changes. Let us show our deep love and concern for this hero of democracy. In fighting for what we think is right, we are opening the portals of hope from the past. We eagerly face the future with valor and optimism. And we indeed show this great person of yesterday that we still value what he valiantly fought for us.